We stand firm in armed neutrality, since it seems that in no other way we can demonstrate what it is we insist upon and cannot iorego. We may even be drawn on, by circumstances, not by our own purpose or desire, to a more active assertion of our rights as we see them and a more immediate association with the great struggle itself.

We are Drovincials no longer. The tragical events of the thirty months of vital turmoil through which we have just passed have made us citizens of the world. There can be no turning hack, our own fortunes as a nation are involved, whether we would have it so or not.

And yet we are not the less Americans on that account. We shall be the more American if we but remain true to the principles in which we have been bred. They are not the principles of a province or of a single continent. We have known and boasted all along that they were the principles of a liberated mankind. These, therefore, are the things we shall stand for, whether in war or in peace:

That all nations are equally interested in the peace of the world and in the political stability of free peoples, and equally responsible for their maintenance.

That the essential principle of peace is the actual equality of nations in all matters of right or privilege.

That peace cannot securely or justly rest upon an armed balance of powar.

That Governments derive all their just powers from the consent of the governed and that no other powers should be supported by the common thought, purpose, or power of the family of nations.

That the seas should be equally free and safe for the use of all peoples, under rules set up by common agreement and consent, and that, so far as practicable, they should be accessible to all upon equal terms.

That national armaments should be limited to the necessities of national order and domestic safety.

That the community of interest and of power upon which peace must henceforth depend imposes upon each nation the duty of seeing to it that all influences proceeding from its own citizens meant to encourage or assist revolution in other states should be sternly and effectually suppressed and prevented.

我们坚决采取武装中立的立场，因为舍此以外我们无法表达什么是我们所要坚持和不能放弃的东西。也许并非出于我们自身的目的和愿望，而是客观情势迫使我们更为主动地表明我们的立场，因为我们已从大战本身联想到并清楚地意识到了这一点。

我们不再是独居一隅。刚刚过去的三十个月大混乱的悲惨经历，已使我们成为世界公民。历史不可能后退。不论我们是否情愿，吾国之命运已经卷入其中了。

但我们并不因此而减少我们作为美国人的特点，只要我们永远对那些我们曾经深受教诲的原则保持忠诚，我们的美国特色将有增无减。这些原则不是某个省或某个洲所独有的。我们一直认同和鼓吹它们是人类解放的原则。因此，不管是在战争期间还是和平时期，这些原则都是我们必须予以坚持的：

世界各国对世界和平和自由民族的政治稳定同样地感兴趣，并对各自的主张同样地负责。

和平原则的精髄在于各国对一切事务之权利享有实际的平等。

不能借助武装力量的平衡以安全、公正地获得和平。

政府之权力生于被治者之承认。在这个世界大家庭中，各国不必服从于同一种思想、目的或共同之权威。

在遵守公约规定的准则下，各国人民可平等地、自由地、安全地使用海洋，并在相等条件下能实际进入海洋。

各国军备应被限制在足够维持国内秩序和安全的限度内。

和平赖以建立的利益与权力之一致，要求各国承担这样的责任：即对出自其国民的任何旨在鼓动和支持别国革命的所有影响，应坚决有效地加以压制和阻止。